By Solomon Iorpev
Insecurity in Benue state can be traced to as far back as 19 to 20 years ago. This was towards the end of the second tenure of the Sen. George Akume led administration. There was a surge during the Sen. Gabriel Suswam led administration and I recall some of the efforts made by that administration to curb the situation. The problem defiled the adopted solutions and kept persisting until the end of that administration.
I recall that When Dr. Samuel Ortom campaigned across Benue State, his central message was clear and repeated at every rally: insecurity would be confronted head-on. He promised protection for farmers, an end to attacks on communities, and a government that would put the safety of citizens first. He said this at most fora in tears and for many voters weary of violence, that pledge was the reason they showed up at the polls.
Between 2015 and 2023, the administration of His Excellency Governor Samuel Ortom governed Benue under the banners of APC and PDP. The early years were defined by constant press briefings, radio appearances, and televised statements condemning attacks. The government became known for its vocal stance, often describing the crisis in strong terms and calling for federal intervention.
Yet as the years went on, the gap between the messaging and the realities on the ground widened. Communities in the Sankera axis, Guma, Gwer West, Logo, Kwande, Agatu, and other local governments continued to report incidents. At some points , distinguished Sen. George Akume described the insecurity situation under Dr Samuel Ortom as governed sponsored. Internally Displaced Persons camps remained full. Rather than a measurable decline in attacks, what many residents saw was a cycle of condemnation followed by another round of violence. For critics, the frequent media outings began to look less like a security strategy and more like a public relations response.
That approach created what Benue residents and observers came to call “insecurity propaganda”, a pattern where statements, protests, and accusations dominated the public space while concrete, coordinated security outcomes were slow to follow. Town hall meetings turned into platforms to restate the problem instead of unveiling new operational plans. By the end of that administration even PDP supporters, the platform of the governor, admitted privately that the party’s promise to “end insecurity” had become a talking point it could not deliver.
The consequence is political. Because the PDP in Benue tied its brand so directly to ending insecurity and then failed to show clear results under Governor Ortom, many voters now question any new promise from the party on the same issue. When a party spends eight years describing a crisis in the loudest terms but cannot point to safer farms, reopened markets, or resettled communities, its credibility on security suffers.
The lesson drawn here by every well-meaning Benue citizen and in many quarters is simple: security cannot be run on press releases alone. Until a party shows a plan backed by action, (just like Governor Alia s doing) not just rhetoric, promises to end insecurity and taking advantage of people’s emotions with “media Visits”.
To make matters worse for the party, it has adopted a candidate that is or rather was at the center of denying the Zaki Biam and Gbeji Massacre victims of 2001 a Compensation of 41.8 Billion from a Judgment Against the Federal Government of Nigeria. The PDP candidate, Michael Kaase Aondoakaa frustrated the victims while he was the AGF. It is difficult to think that a person like truly cares about the people.
To refresh your memories, the Zaki Biam and Gbeji Massacre of October 2001 remains one of the gravest human rights tragedies in Nigeria’s democratic history. Following military operations in several Tiv communities, including Zaki Biam and Gbeji, hundreds of civilians were reportedly killed, properties worth billions of naira were destroyed, and thousands of residents were displaced.
In pursuit of justice, Alexander Gaadi and thirteen others, on behalf of the victims, instituted an action against the Federal Government of Nigeria before the Federal High Court in Enugu, seeking ₦200 billion in compensation for the violation of their fundamental human rights.
On 5 July 2007, Justice Lewis Allagoa delivered a landmark judgment, holding the Federal Government liable and awarding ₦41.8 billion in damages to the victims. The judgment remains one of the largest human rights compensation awards ever entered against the Federal Government of Nigeria.
Following the judgment, Chief Michael Kaase Aondoakaa, SAN, had assumed office as the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice. As the Federation’s Chief Law Officer, he allegedly vowed that Alexander Gaadi and the victims of the Zaki Biam and Gbeji massacre would never receive the compensation. He appealed the case and, in the process, effectively frustrated the enforcement of the judgment while the appellate proceedings remained pending. Many believed that the shock and frustration caused by Aondoakaa’s actions contributed to the death of Alexander Gaadi while the appeal was still pending. Gaadi had reportedly sold virtually everything, including landed properties, in his pursuit of justice for the victims of the massacre. He presented thousands of bags of pictorial evidence before the court to establish the atrocities committed against his Tiv people, while Aondoakaa was perceived as using the instrumentalities of government to frustrate the enforcement of the judgment. It was after Aondoakaa left office in 2010 that Mohammed Bello Adoke, SAN, succeeded him as Attorney-General of the Federation. During his tenure, the Federal Government reportedly initiated discussions aimed at resolving the matter through an out-of-court settlement, with reports indicating a proposed settlement of approximately ₦8 billion. Those discussions, however, became controversial because of disputes regarding the lawful beneficiaries and the proper recipients of any compensation following the death of the lead plaintiff, Alexander Gaadi. One may ask whether this was not a deliberate attempt to frustrate his blood relatives and kinsmen. Why did Mohammed Bello Adoke, SAN, move to initiate an out-of-court settlement for the widely celebrated judgment shortly after President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan removed Michael Kaase Aondoakaa from office, while Aondoakaa had insisted on pursuing a course that appeared to prolong the suffering of his own people? As the saying goes, yesterday can always speak for today — Benue people, be wise.
To date, there is no widely reported final appellate judgment overturning the Federal High Court’s award of ₦41.8 billion. Consequently, the case remains one of Nigeria’s most significant constitutional and human rights decisions, highlighting both the ability of victims to obtain judicial redress against the State and the challenges associated with enforcing judgments against the Federal Government.
If the Zaki Biam and Gbeji compensation case continues to serve as an important reminder of the need for accountability, respect for the rule of law, and timely justice for victims of human rights violations, then anyone, ANYONE at all, who stood in the way of its execution, is Anti-Benue.
Solomon Iorpev is the Technical Adviser to the Benue State Governor on Media, Publicity and Strategic Communication.
